The forces of the government, however, were far superior and the insurgent forces were defeated after two weeks of fighting. As after the April 1876 Uprising, towns and villages were put to fire while the role of the bashibozouks was performed with ‘enviable’ success by the specially formed for the purpose fascist bands – Spitzkommandos. Thousands of insurgents and civilians with progressive convictions were murdered, still other tens of thousands were thrown into prison or forced to emigrate. A new wave of white terror flooded the country after April 16, 1925, when extreme-left elements made an attempt at the life of those present at the burial service of a fascist general in the Sofia Cathedral St Nedelya. The atrocities committed by the fascist dictatorship in Bulgaria aroused the profound indignation of world public opinion and under the impact of a far-reaching international campaign of protest and popular hate the “bloody professor’ Tsankov was forced to resign and his place was taken by less discredited reactionary politicians.
The turbulent political events between 1923 and 1925 ended in the defeat of the revolutionary forces. In many aspects, however, they paved the way to the people’s forthcoming victory. An insurmountable blood-filled gap had appeared between the ruling top crust and the people, and nothing could “bridge it any more. The two popular organizations – the Bulgarian Communist Party and the Bulgarian Agrarian Party – drew valuable lessons for their future activities and won well-deseTved prestige among the broad people’s masses. In 1933. At the historic Reichstag Fire Trial in Leipzig the celebrated leader of the Bulgarian Communist Party Georgi Dimitrov dealt the first moral and political blow to nazi fascism which was then advan-cing,and won the admiration of all progressive mankind. This enhanced still more the prestige of the Communist Party in Bulgaria.
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The 1920s saw the shaping up of a stable political line in the ruling Bulgarian circles which was followed unswervingly by almost all governments until the outbreak of the Second World War. This line was dictated by the unenviable international situation in which Bulgaria found herself in the wake of the two national catastrophes and was characterized by non-alignment and waiting for the opportune moment to revise the Neuilly Peace Treaty. The Bulgarian governments were trying to maintain good relations with their neighbours and with all Great Powers. Unlike other defeated countries, they did not make open revisionist demands, but were satisfied mainly with defending Bulgaria’s rights stipulated in the Peace Treaty and in the Covenant of the League of Nations, but which were never implemented: an economic outlet on the Aegean and minority rights for the hundreds of thousands of Bulgarians living in the neighbouring countries. Only the government of Kimon Georgiev, established after the military coup of May 19, 1934, made an attempt to orient the country towards France, but it was a short-lived government which could not carry out its intentions.